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Anti-Israel Thread

LAW Submission to the Special Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights
October 2000


LETHAL FORCE
Israel's Use of Military Force
Against Palestinian Demonstrators

Contents
Background
Summary
Legal Framework
Chronology of Events: 28/9/2000 - 12/10/2000
Conclusions
Recommendations


This submission is based on field reports, eyewitness statements and affidavits from victims, usually obtained by our own staff, and from other credible sources. The rapidity of the violence, geographical spread and intensity has not permitted a complete and thorough investigation. Based on a preliminary survey of events since the visit of Likud leader Ariel Sharon on 28 September 2000, we are able to draw these findings. These agree with the findings of other independent sources, including Israeli human rights organisations, and these concur with the conclusions of the Security Council.

BACKGROUND
The violence of the last two weeks was initiated by the visit of Likud leader Ariel Sharon to the Haram Al-Sharif on 28 September 2000, but occurred within a broader context of human rights violations and abuse.

The Oslo Accords incorporate two aspects: (1) confidence building measures and (2) a final settlement intended to be reached by May 1999. To date, more than a year after the deadline, no final settlement has been reached.

At the same time, Palestinian confidence, both in the 'peace process' and in the possibility of negotiating with their Israeli counterparts a final status agreement which will secure to Palestinians their basic rights, has been consistently eroded.

Israeli occupation forces continue to control large amounts of Palestinian territory, and to control all borders, resulting in a system of social and economic inequality that is combined with an overt military threat. Israel continues to violate the economic, social and cultural rights of Palestinians. The ongoing Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territory also denies Palestinians their basic civil liberties such as freedom of movement and right to fair trial.

At the same time both Israeli occupation forces, and Israeli settlers, with the support and protection of the Israeli army, continue to confiscate and destroy Palestinian land and property in the occupied territory. Since the coming to power of Barak, in June 1999, construction and expansion of settlements has continued and in some cases and in certain strategic areas, escalated. This is not only a violation of international law, particularly the Fourth Geneva Convention, but also a clear message to Palestinians that the Oslo Accords have not, and will not, provide them with their rights to live freely in their own land. For example in the Gaza Strip - scene of the some of the worst violence - 20 Israeli settlements with a population of 6,000 control 42% of the land leaving the remaining 58% to 1.2 million Palestinians.

Much rested on the permanent status negotiations. Palestinians want to achieve self-determination and to secure restitution for past atrocities and implementation of their internationally recognised rights. International law supports their demands including, inter alia, UNSC resolution 242, which obliges Israel to withdraw from the occupied territory, and UNGA resolution 194, recognising the right of return for Palestinian refugees, and Common Article 1 of the International Covenants of Human Rights, guaranteeing the right to self-determination. At the final status talks, Israel refused to withdraw to pre-1967 borders, but intended to retain many of the spoils of war. This impasse became focused most sharply on the Haram Al-Sharif, over which Israel claims sovereignty.

In this context, the visit by Ariel Sharon was hazardous and was likely to arouse strong feelings from the Palestinians. Ariel Sharon evokes hostility from many quarters for his extreme right wing views, involvement in the 1982 Sabra and Shatilla massacre, and for his support for extremists, for example, his incitement to Israeli settlers to grab every hilltop after the Wye Memorandum. Mr Sharon has recently been invited to join an emergency national government headed by Prime Minster Barak.

The Israeli Government knew a Sharon visit would be provocative and took the precaution of putting Israeli troops on alert. Concern arose from other quarters: the United States publicly stated that such a visit would be provocative.
 
chesty said:
? Israel is not torturing and incinerating the Arabs, but the PLO is sure targeting the jewish civilians.

What is it that the jews are doing to the Arabs? Or did I read the question wrong?

Well lets just say that incidents like Jenin are alot more common that we know. Israel has started the Holocaust part 2 over there. Remember.. the information we get through our press is watered down to keep us happy.

There is no chance in hell that the PLO has killed more people than Israel has. For every attack the PLO wages on Israel that kill a Israeli... Israel kills 50 of them.

You know for a fact the press we get on Israel is a bit biased. I mean come on.. why was I not taught about the USS Liberty in High School?
 
October 3-26, 2000)
Some Notes on the Crisis in Palestine:
October 26, 2000

On Media Bias

US headlines and opinion pieces have presented a false symmetry between Israelis and Palestinians in the current confrontations. The reality of these street battles is that one of the world's best equipped armies is confronting mostly young, unarmed stone-throwers with massive military force.* Yet the media ís frequent use of the term "cease-fire" conjures images of two equal forces laying down arms.

Some US media have gone so far as to imply that Palestinian civilians are the aggressors and the Israeli army an embattled underdog. This inversion of reality is supported by statements like that of US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, who remarked that Palestinians have "placed Israel under siege" and that the Israeli army is defending itself (NBC's Meet the Press, 10/8/00). Comments like Albright's encourage the media to simply ignore Israel's 33-year, illegal occupation of the West Bank and Gaza and the litany of human rights violations that are fueling the protests. In the US, public discussion of military occupation has largely been replaced by discussion of the Israel-PLO negotiations, making it seem as though Palestinians are rejecting the possibility of peace itself.

Vast differences in the portrayal of Palestinian and Israeli deaths encourages the dehumanization of Palestinians. For example, the killing of two Israeli soldiers on October 12 by a Palestinian mob was rightly described with horror and outrage in the US press. Replayed images of the murders and in-depth interviews with friends and families of the victims brought home the brutality of the killings and the tragedy of these needless deaths. We were all horrified by these murders, just as we are horrified by the murder of Palestinians, who account for over 90% of the fatalities. But the media is quite casual about the killing of these civilians. Only one day before the Israeli soldiers were killed, two Palestinians were shot dead by Israeli forces. This day was characterized by The New York Times as a "lull in the violence." Several Palestinians have been bludgeoned, burned and tortured to death by Israeli settlers. And these murders were hardly even reported in the US, much less condemned with the force of emotion reserved for Israeli casualties.
 
Ffactor said:
October 3-26, 2000)
Some Notes on the Crisis in Palestine:
October 26, 2000

On Media Bias

US headlines and opinion pieces have presented a false symmetry between Israelis and Palestinians in the current confrontations. ....

Great article Ffactor.. but supporters of Israel will not read that. Or just try to poke holes in it. There is really no use in getting too involved with this. It is not like they want to see any other side of it. Chesty might.. but the other Israeli supportes will just flame you ass for even trying.
 
In October and November, coinciding with violence in Israel and the occupied territories, there were numerous violent incidents along the Israel-Lebanese border. On October 7, IDF personnel reportedly killed 2 persons and injured 25 during demonstrations along the border. On October 9, the IDF reportedly fired live ammunition on a group of about 500 Palestinian demonstrators who were throwing rocks and Molotov cocktails, and trying to cross the border into Israel; IDF personnel reportedly killed 1 person and injured 10.

There also are credible reports that police failed to protect Arab lives and property in several incidents in which Jewish citizens attacked Arab citizens. On October 7, a group of about 200 Israeli Jews attacked Arab homes in Nazareth Illit (Upper Nazareth), including the home of an Arab Member of the Knesset. On October 8, a group of about 1,000 Israeli Jews attacked Arab homes in Nazareth. The attackers allegedly targeted Arab citizens due to their anger over the Hizballah kidnaping of three IDF soldiers and the attack on Joseph's Tomb in the West Bank in early October (see Sections 1.b. and 2.c. of the annex). Many of the Arabs exited their homes and attempted to defend themselves and their property (see Section 5). Police reportedly arrived at the scene late, did not take action beyond inserting themselves between the two groups, and fired live ammunition, rubber bullets, and tear gas at the Arab citizens. Two Israeli Arabs were killed and approximately 50 others were injured in these incidents. International and domestic human rights groups reported that the police were responsible for the deaths and injuries; however, some residents of Nazareth reported that some members of the Jewish crowd had firearms. Large crowds of Jews also attacked Arab homes, businesses, and two mosques in other areas of the country (see Sections 1.c. and 5). Arab protesters also attacked Jewish-owned businesses and at least one synagogue (see Sections 1.c. and 5).



Israel and the occupied territories

Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2000
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
February 23, 2001


(The Report on the occupied territories is appended at the end of this Report.)

Israel 1/ is a parliamentary democracy with a multiparty system and free elections. There is no Constitution; a series of "basic laws" provide for fundamental rights. The legislature, or Knesset, has the power to dissolve the Government and limit the authority of the executive branch. Labor and One Israel party leader Ehud Barak was elected Prime Minister in May 1999 and took office in July 1999 at the head of a broad centrist coalition Government. On December 9, following the breakdown of his coalition, Barak resigned as Prime Minister; prime ministerial elections were scheduled to be held on February 6, 2001. The judiciary is independent.

Since its founding in 1948, Israel has been in a state of war with most of its Arab neighbors. It concluded a peace treaty with Egypt in 1979 and with Jordan in 1994, and a series of agreements with the Palestinians beginning in 1993. As a result of the 1967 war, Israel occupied the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. The international community does not recognize Israel's sovereignty over any part of the occupied territories. Throughout its existence, Israel has experienced numerous terrorist attacks.

An historic process of reconciliation between Israel and the Palestinians began with the Madrid Conference in 1991 and continued with the September 1993 signing of the Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles (DOP). In September 1995, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed the Interim Agreement on the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. In January 1997, the parties concluded the Hebron Protocol and in October 1998, Israel and the PLO signed the Wye River Memorandum. In September 1999, the Israeli Government and the PLO signed the Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum. The parties held intensive working-level talks between March and June and met at Camp David in July; however, the Government and the PLO did not reach an agreement. Internal security is the responsibility of the Israel Security Agency (the ISA -- formerly the General Security Service, or GSS, and also known as Shin Bet, or Shabak), which is under the authority of the Prime Minister's office. The police are under the authority of the Minister of Internal Security. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are under the authority of a civilian Minister of Defense. The IDF includes a significant portion of the adult population on active duty or reserve status and plays a role in maintaining internal security. The Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee in the Knesset reviews the activities of the IDF and the ISA. Some members of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.

Israel has an advanced industrial economy, and citizens enjoy a relatively high standard of living, with a per capita income of over $17,000. Unemployment remained at about 9 percent during the year, but was substantially higher in the country's peripheral regions and among lower-skilled workers. The country's economic growth has been accompanied by an increase in income inequality. The longstanding gap in levels of income within the Jewish population and between Jewish and Arab citizens continues. The 14 towns with the highest unemployment rate in the country all are populated by Arab citizens. A heavy reliance on foreign workers, principally from Asia and Eastern Europe, is a source of social problems. Such workers generally are employed in agriculture and the construction industry and constitute about 6 percent of the labor force. Since the implementation of an economic stabilization plan in 1985, the country has moved gradually to reduce state intervention in the economy through privatization of several state-owned companies and through deregulation. State-owned companies continue to dominate such fields as electricity generation and transmission, oil refining, shipping, and international air travel. However, individuals generally are free to invest in private interests and to own property. The Government owns and manages 77 percent of the country's land area, and as a matter of policy it does not sell land. The Jewish National Fund (JNF), an organization established in 1897 for the purchase and management of land for the Jewish people, owns 8 percent of the country's land area, including a considerable amount transferred directly from the Government, and manages another 8 percent on behalf of the Government. Foreigners and citizens of all religions are allowed freely to purchase or lease the 7 percent of land not controlled by the Government or the JNF. In March the High Court of Justice ruled that the Government's use of the JNF to develop public land was discriminatory, since the JNF's statute prohibits the sale or lease of land to non-Jews.

The Government generally respects the human rights of its citizens; however, its record worsened late in the year regarding its treatment of non-Jewish citizens. Historically, Israel's main human rights problems have arisen from its policies and practices in the occupied territories and from its fight against terrorism. However, in October police used excessive force to disperse demonstrations in the north of the country that coincided with the outbreak of violence in the occupied territories, killing 13 Arab citizens and injuring over 300 (see Sections 1.a., 1.c., and 1.g. of the annex for a discussion of casualties in the occupied territories). There also are credible reports that police failed to protect Arab lives and property in several incidents in which Jewish citizens attacked the homes of Arab citizens. A landmark decision by the High Court of Justice in September 1999 prohibited the use of a variety of abusive practices, including violent shaking, painful shackling in contorted positions, sleep deprivation for extended periods of time, and prolonged exposure to extreme temperatures. Since the September 1999 ruling, domestic and international NGO's have been unable to substantiate sporadic allegations that security forces tortured detainees. There were numerous credible allegations that police beat persons in detention. Detention and prison conditions, particularly for Palestinian security detainees held in Israel do not provide inmates with sufficient living space, food, and access to medical care. Following the IDF withdrawal from its self-declared "security zone" in southern Lebanon in May and the concurrent collapse of the South Lebanon Army (SLA), all of the prisoners from the Al-Khiam prison in southern Lebanon, where Lebanese guards routinely committed abuses, were released. The Government continued to detain without charge Palestinians, some of them for lengthy periods; the number of such detainees increased following the outbreak of violence in September. In April an Israeli High Court ruling declared illegal the holding of Lebanese detainees as "bargaining chips" in Israeli prisons. Subsequently, authorities released 13 Lebanese prisoners, all of whom had been held without charge, or had already completed their terms. At year's end, there were approximately 20 Lebanese prisoners in custody, two of whom -- Sheikh al-Karim Obeid and Mustafa Dirani -- were held without charge. Legislation that would enable Obeid and Dirani to be held as "members of enemy forces not entitled to prisoner-of-war status" passed a first reading during the year. Following the outbreak of violence in September, the Government detained without charge hundreds of persons in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, and imposed severe restrictions on the movement of persons and some restrictions on the movement of goods between Israel and the West Bank and Gaza and between cities in the West Bank and
Gaza--i.e., closure, which has been in effect to varying extents since 1993 (see Section 2.d. of the annex).

The Government continued to fund shelters and crisis centers; however, violence and discrimination against women persists. Discrimination against the disabled persists. The Government made little headway in reducing institutionalized legal and societal discrimination against Israel's Christian, Muslim, and Druze citizens, who constitute just over 20 percent of the population, but do not share fully the rights provided to, and obligations imposed on, the country's Jewish citizens. Prior to October, the Government did not take tangible steps to improve the situation of the country's non-Jewish citizens, which was one of the main factors that contributed to large Israeli Arab demonstrations in October. The demonstrations and clashes between the police and Israeli Arabs brought renewed attention to the different treatment accorded to the Jewish and Arab sectors of the country. In October the Government approved a $975 million economic assistance plan for Arab citizens to be phased in over 4 years; however, some human rights groups criticized the plan as inadequate. The Knesset did not approve the plan by year's end. Trafficking in women for the purpose of forced prostitution is a continuing problem. In June the Government passed a law that prohibits the trafficking of persons for the purpose of prostitution.

In early October, there were many instances of societal violence between Arab and Jewish citizens, which coincided with violent events in the country.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
Freedom From:

a. Political and other Extrajudicial Killing

There were no reports of political killings during the year.

In October police used excessive force to disperse demonstrations in the north of the country that coincided with the outbreak of violence in the occupied territories (see Sections 1.a., 1.c., and 2.b. of the annex), killing 13 Arab citizens and injuring 300 with a combination of live ammunition and rubber-coated steel bullets (see Sections 1.c. and 2.b.). Demonstrators did not have firearms; however, some demonstrators reportedly threw rocks and firebombs. International and domestic human rights groups assert that police used rubber-coated metal bullets and live ammunition against demonstrators who posed no imminent danger of death or serious injury to security forces or others.

On September 28, opposition leader Ariel Sharon visited the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif) in Jerusalem. On September 29, Palestinians held large demonstrations and threw stones at police in the vicinity of the Western Wall. Police used rubber-coated metal bullets and live ammunition to disperse the demonstrators, killing 4 persons and injuring about 200 (see Sections 1.a. and 1.c. of the annex). In response to this violence, Palestinians held demonstrations throughout the occupied territories and Israel. On October 1, Israeli Arab leaders called a general strike, which received widespread support from Arab citizens, thousands of whom demonstrated throughout the country. On October 1, police used live ammunition and rubber-coated metal bullets to disperse demonstrations in Um-al-Fahem, killing two persons and injuring hundreds of others. On October 2, police killed six persons and injured numerous others during demonstrations in Jat, Nazareth, Arrabe, and Sakhnin. Police also used live ammunition and rubber bullets to disperse demonstrations in other towns and villages in the north of the country, injuring hundreds of demonstrators. On October 3, police killed three persons during demonstrations in Nazareth and Kfar Manda.

In October and November, coinciding with violence in Israel and the occupied territories, there were numerous violent incidents along the Israel-Lebanese border. On October 7, IDF personnel reportedly killed 2 persons and injured 25 during demonstrations along the border. On October 9, the IDF reportedly fired live ammunition on a group of about 500 Palestinian demonstrators who were throwing rocks and Molotov cocktails, and trying to cross the border into Israel; IDF personnel reportedly killed 1 person and injured 10.

On October 21, Prime Minister Barak proposed establishing a commission of examination to study the violence that occurred in early October. However, Israeli Arab leaders rejected Barak's offer and demanded that the Government establish a legal commission of inquiry, which would operate independently of the Government, have subpoena power, and automatically bestow immunity on anyone who testified before it. On November 8, in response to pressure from both Arab and Jewish citizens, Barak announced the establishment of the Legal Commission of Inquiry, which reportedly is to have considerable ability to collect information. The Commission is headed by a High Court justice, and its members include an Arab judge from a Nazareth court, and a professor from Tel Aviv University. In December the Legal Commission of Inquiry began its investigation; however, it did not reach any conclusions by year's end.

There also are credible reports that police failed to protect Arab lives and property in several incidents in which Jewish citizens attacked Arab citizens. On October 7, a group of about 200 Israeli Jews attacked Arab homes in Nazareth Illit (Upper Nazareth), including the home of an Arab Member of the Knesset. On October 8, a group of about 1,000 Israeli Jews attacked Arab homes in Nazareth. The attackers allegedly targeted Arab citizens due to their anger over the Hizballah kidnaping of three IDF soldiers and the attack on Joseph's Tomb in the West Bank in early October (see Sections 1.b. and 2.c. of the annex). Many of the Arabs exited their homes and attempted to defend themselves and their property (see Section 5). Police reportedly arrived at the scene late, did not take action beyond inserting themselves between the two groups, and fired live ammunition, rubber bullets, and tear gas at the Arab citizens. Two Israeli Arabs were killed and approximately 50 others were injured in these incidents. International and domestic human rights groups reported that the police were responsible for the deaths and injuries; however, some residents of Nazareth reported that some members of the Jewish crowd had firearms. Large crowds of Jews also attacked Arab homes, businesses, and two mosques in other areas of the country (see Sections 1.c. and 5). Arab protesters also attacked Jewish-owned businesses and at least one synagogue (see Sections 1.c. and 5).

During the year, 22 Israelis died and 244 were injured in terrorist attacks carried out by Palestinian groups or individuals in Israel and the occupied territories (also see Sections 1.a. and 1.c. of the annex). For example, on November 1, a car bomb in Jerusalem killed two Israelis and injured eleven others, including four children. Palestinian Islamic Jihad claimed responsibility for the attack. On November 22, a car bomb in Hadera killed three Israelis and injured 61. Palestinian Islamic Jihad also claimed responsibility for this attack.

b. Disappearance

On October 10, Hizballah guerrillas kidnaped three IDF soldiers. At year's end, the soldiers were believed to be held in Lebanon.






c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment

Laws and administrative regulations prohibit the physical abuse of detainees; however, security forces sometimes abused Palestinians suspected of security offenses. A landmark decision by the High Court of Justice in September 1999 prohibited the use of a variety of abusive practices, including violent shaking, painful shackling in contorted positions ("Shabbeh"), sleep deprivation for extended periods of time, and prolonged exposure to extreme temperatures. Since the September 1999 ruling, domestic and international NGO's have been unable to substantiate sporadic allegations that security forces tortured detainees.

Prior to the High Court's 1999 decision, laws and administrative regulations prohibiting the physical abuse of detainees were not enforced in security cases. The head of the ISA was empowered by government regulation to authorize security officers to use "moderate physical and psychological pressure" (which included violent shaking) while interrogating detainees. These practices often led to excesses. In November 1999, the Attorney General issued revised guidelines that denied blanket immunity from prosecution for interrogators; however, it remains theoretically possible that the State could decline to prosecute interrogators who used prohibited methods in cases of extreme urgency.

In October police used live ammunition and rubber-coated metal bullets to disperse demonstrators in the north of the country, killing 13 Arab citizens and injuring over 300 (see Sections 1.a. and 2.b.). Demonstrators reportedly did not have firearms; however, in some cases they reportedly threw rocks and firebombs. On October 1, police beat severely a woman who screamed at a police officer during a demonstration. The incident was videotaped and broadcast on domestic and international television.
 
This post has generated a lot of good debate. I urge members to read some of the facts I have posted or better still do your own research.
One thing I want to make clear.
I am not anti-Israel.
I am not anti-Palestine.
The palestinians and Israelis will be at each others throats until the end of time. There is nothing we can do about it.
The only thing we can do is to educate ourselves and urge politicians to act in a manner that is fair and responsible.
There is definitely a bias in the US in terms of how news is reported . I have to go to the BBC or some foreign news agency to get information.
Things are NOT as clear cut as what we are lead to believe. My ONLY concern is for us not to get pulled into this mess. I do NOT want to see another September 11.
 
chesty said:
Dresden and Hamburg were both industrial cities and therefore were targeted to stop the production of war goods.


Not true at all. Go read Sir Arhtur Harris notes on both attack. For Hamburg it was half true since the city was in fact an industrial city but not the same with Dresde. This one was bombed in March. AT that time Germany was nothing but ruin and BTW if you wanna stop industrial productions then One advice: use explosive bombs not the firstorm technique. Same with Tokyo city. They knew most of the buildings their were made of wood...

Also Chesty remeber that Jews used terrorists methods against both British and arabs between 1944 and 1948. Remember the King David Hotel bombing ? The STern Gang ? Irgun ?.......
 
clusterfoxtrot said:
Fonz:

That's great. Hopefully you will put that education to good use. While you were busy entering puberty, I was assigned to front line operations in the mid-East as an OpSec advisor and trainer. Theory vs. Reality always amuses me.

I'm quite familiar with Tritium...it's on all of my Sig and H & K gear.

I have been somewhat untrue to myself so I will let it rip:

After much time in the Mid-East, watching first-hand what happens, I can honestly say that I am sick and tired of the Palestinians in specific and the Arabs in general. I am a fair-minded, fact-oriented person. Sharon's military tacticals are blunt and brutal becasue they need to be. The Arab mind, as a generalization, is eye-for-eye and the only thing they understand is getting hit across the head with a 2 X 4. It's a damn good thing I am not in charge, becasue if I had my druthers I would be doing loops around the Gaza and West Banks with Spooky's and Spectres killing anything that moves. Then, once that was done, I would bulldoze the entire god-forsaken land and do something productive with it.


Once that is done, it's time to send the balloon up. Tactical nuclear strikes on both Iran and Iraq. We need to kill at least 250,000 civilians. Let that be a shot across the bow of the rest of the Muslim population not to f**k with the US.

Had to get that out of my system. Kill 'em all and let God sort them out.

De Oppresso Liber

CF

You have my vote for president, or at least Sec of Defense.
 
DeezGunz said:
We have to ship all of these rag heads out of the United States and put them in camps like we did to the japs back in WW2.

I don't know about you, but that would close every convenience store in my town...:rolleyes:
 
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