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Socialized Medicine........HELL NO! Look at Canada

rudedawg

New member
For all of you that think we should have socialized medicine you should read this areticle about the state that Canada's healthcare system is in now, it seems that all is not so rosy in the north frozen tundra:
http://www.nationalpost.com/search/site/story.asp?id=45C54DA3-0367-42D6-96FB-070324E09D30

Health-care fiction


National Post


Thursday, July 18, 2002

Access to timely health services is one of the five pillars in the Canada Health Act meant to ensure quality health care. A new Statistics Canada study, however, shows that pillar is crumbling -- and many Canadians are suffering as a result.

The first Health Services Access Survey, released Monday, found that one in five Canadians encountered troubling difficulties accessing health care in 2001. The federal agency estimates that more than 23 million Canadians sought basic medical care that year and more than 4 million had problems getting the treatment they required. Many told Statistics Canada they had difficulty making contact with doctors and endured lengthy waiting lists at walk-in clinics and doctors' offices once an appointment was made.

More disturbing is the experience of the estimated 6.1 million Canadians who needed access to specialized health care, including diagnostic tests, non-emergency surgery and appointments with specialists, which generally took more than four weeks. Of the 6.1 million, more than one in five (fully 23%) reported problems due to delays, and more than 20% considered the wait to be unacceptable.

Canadians are unnecessarily suffering physical, mental and financial hardship as a consequence. Patient anxiety levels are growing as many are forced to endure the pain and discomfort that comes with waiting for health services. Of those needing to see specialists, Statistics Canada found 18% admitted that the hold up had a negative impact on their lives, including loss of work and income. From this Statistics Canada concludes what is obvious to anyone who has had experience with our medicare system: "Long waits were clearly not acceptable to Canadians, particularly when they experienced adverse effects ... while waiting for care."

Hope for change is fading fast. Roy Romanow, the former Saskatchewan premier leading the federal Commission on the Future of Health Care, has signalled that his final report in the fall will leave medicare as we know it largely unchanged. In a speech to nurses in Toronto last month, Mr. Romanow argued in contradiction to the facts that medicare is "neither too costly nor grossly underfunded." There is not a premier in Canada who is not in agreement that the current health-care system is too costly, and it is a rare nurse, doctor and health-care professional who will not tell you that the system is substantially underfunded.

Statistics Canada's next health survey and those that follow will continue to detail long waiting times and the declining quality of health care unless Canadians see through the fiction Mr. Romanow seems to be propagating that medicare is a model of health-care "equity and efficiency." It is neither.

If he and Jean Chrétien's Liberals want to improve access to health care for all Canadians as well as quality of care, they must allow private health-care suppliers to break the government's monopoly and begin supplying public services for the full range of needs Canadians have.

© Copyright 2002 National Post
 
Article written 10 yrs ago!!!

This article was written 10 yrs ago.......funny how the more things change the more they stay the same:

The Great Health Care Deception
Ten Years Later


Author’s note: This article was published in the June, 1992 issue of Broker World. Little has changed in the ten years that have elapsed. Some players have changed and some new health care entitlement programs have been granted to selected consumers, but the real issue is not being debated. That issue is about how we are governed, not about how health care should be financed and delivered.

Proponents for change on all sides of the health care controversy continue to use inaccurate data, misinformation, lies, ambiguities and other techniques to push their special interests. Make no mistake about it, our way of life, our very freedoms, our very life itself depends on the outcome of the health care battle.

. The road from democracy has taken us over two hundred years to travel and our journey is nearing its end. Our government is a deception away from socialism and no one has addressed that change.




The health care debate parameters have never been set and it is providing fertile ground for sowing seeds of misconception, confusion, ambiguity, and misunderstanding.

At stake is not” only the way health care is financed and provided—the powers between state and federal governments will be redrawn. More importantly, it will measure the financial impact socialism will continue to place on the fabric of a market driven economy. On an individual level, the “rags to riches” American dream could turn into a nightmare for millions of Americans. The stakes are high. No wonder, so are the “spoils of war.” Health care can be an $800 billion “pork barrel” for politicians or an $800 billion market-driven economic freight train.

Is the plight of 31 to 37 million uninsured Americans really the cause for this much national attention? Surely America has had 13 percent or more uninsured citizens since the Massachusetts Health Insurance Company of Boston was organized in 1847 to issue insurance coverage for medical care. In the forties, less than 10 percent of the US population was covered with health insurance. Even in 1966, when Congress initiated the Medicare and Medicaid programs, the uninsured population was well over 13 percent.

Are we then to believe that as of 1991 or after that our health care system has failed? Just at a time when more Americans than ever in the history of our country are covered? At a time when Americans enjoy the absolute best in medical care and technology? At a time when the United States leads the world in medical research and development? At a time when we have the most medical equipment available of any country in the world? At a time when access to the best care in the world is readily available to all citizens—rich and poor alike—even those without insurance or the ability to pay? At a time when people throughout the world come to the United States to receive the care they can’t get anywhere else, even in countries with national health care? If you listen to the media and special interest groups and some influential politicians, you can be convinced that our health care system is a failure. After enduring this onslaught of “bad press,” I am convinced the health care debate has triggered one of the greatest deceptions ever perpetuated on the American taxpayer. This is the subject of this article.

What started as a call to “insure” those 31 to 37 million uninsured Americans has now grown into a demand for a totally new health care delivery system for all 250 million US citizens. Has anyone questioned how subtly this change was made? And why? This campaign is not about health care at all. In a March 1992 meeting with David Nexon, Senator Ted Kennedy’s top man on the Senate Health and Human Services Committee, and his chief health advisor, I realized that health care was the means to an end and not the end itself. Mr. Nexon related to me and two others the simple fact that health care is a basic human right and has to be provided by the government. He also said that between then and the November 1992 presidential election would be the closest and best opportunity ever to install a universal health care program in the United States. End of story! So health care is not the issue. The issue is whether the government has a responsibility to provide it. Now I understand.

The big question is: does an individual have a responsibility to society or does society have a responsibility to its individual citizens? Which exists first—society or the individual? In the absence of a society, how are the individual’s needs satisfied? In the absence of the individual, how does society exist?

What this boils down to is opposing ideologies. One ideology wants to provide health care to all Americans by improving the market-based, private/public financing mechanism for delivering health care. They say the principles of free enterprise have built the country into the world’s greatest economic power. They say America has the best quality and technology, owing to market-based financing of care. The other wants government to provide health care to all Americans by eliminating the private sector and market-based financing. They say people can’t handle their own affairs as well as the government can handle it for them. They say private enterprise is a failure. It really is that simple.

Deception One. On November 8, 1991, HIAA issued a press release indicating that, based on preliminary findings of a poii, Senator Harris Wofford’s stunning victory in Pennsylvania was not due to his call for a national insurance plan. Only 14 percent of Pennsylvania constituents voted for him because of his “call to adopt a national insurance plan,” according to the HIAA poll. To assure against any appearance of bias, HIAA commissioned two pollsters: Democratic pollster Ed Lazarus of Mellman and Republican pollster Bill Mclnturff of Public Opinion Strategies. All issues other than health care garnered him a higher percentage of voters. Yet the media blasted the air waves with the message that the Pennsylvania election was a mandate for a national health care plan, misleading millions of Americans from coast to coast.

Deception Two. On February 6, 1992, ABC’s Nightline aired “Emergency! Health Care in America.” The show, and I mean show, originated from the University of Chicago and started at 10:30 pm CST. It consumed over two hours, almost entirely devoted to those unfortunate cases designed to illicit the proper emotional appeal and responses from the television audience. Occasionally, Ted Koppel allowed a “balanced” response. Finally, at the end of the program, Ken Prazak, after a two hour wait, was allowed to speak, but only after putting Mr. Koppel on the defensive during a commercial break. He ran up to the stage and yelled, “What about the free market, Ted? What about small business?” Ted allowed him to speak following the break.

“I’m self employed, I’m one of the uninsured, and I don’t want universal health care. If you want to see an example in action, look at any VA Hospital. That’s universal health care—government provided and universally hated,” Mr. Prazak stated. He went on to point out he didn’t want to pay for other’s drug abuse, alcoholism, and in vitro fertilization.

Several members of the Illinois Association of Health Underwriters were on hand too. Edward Zurek, a member of the Illinois AHU Legislative Council, was able to get in and was promised an opportunity to speak. I recall phoning Mr. Zurek the day of the broadcast. He was excited about the program and the prospects of presenting the NAHU strategy for health care in America to millions of television viewers. His opportunity never came. But he did observe. He spoke to me the day after the program. His report: the program was rigged, a set up. They had no intention of putting on a rational debate, exposing diverse opinions. Mr. Zurek overheard one ABC supervisor saying to his crew that only people with preapproved comments would be allowed to speak. Instead, Nightline pandered to the emotions of the audience. How else can you explain the names of the “spontaneous” audience speakers appearing on the television screen before they spoke?

Deception Three. Access to care is being called a ”national disgrace.” Just about everyone getting press is talking about access to health care as if it doesn’t exist and in the alternative, access will drive costs of care downward if all Americans are covered.
Even the uninsured can get the care they need by “accessing” hospital emergency rooms. Every one has access to care. Any hospital that receives federal funds must accept indigent patients. So really we don’t have anyone out of the loop. The 13 percent uninsured are the lucky ones in some respects. Their care is free to them because it is paid by the insured population. According to a leading British economist, the average uninsured American has better access to health care through hospitals that accept federal funds than do the residents of England under their so-called “free access to all” health care system. The only right the citizens of countries with national health care have is the right to wait in line for care. This doesn’t even insure them a place, either. For example, being fourth in line to receive a heart bypass doesn’t guarantee that you’ll be the fourth person to receive this lifesaving surgery.

Granted, care given in hospital emergency settings is more expensive. But more expensive than what? If the cost shifting tab is $17.1 billion, as reported by BNA, Daily Report for Executives, December 20, 1991, and released by the National Association of Manufacturers, how much of this is attributable to the uninsured? Cost shifting occurs when providers shift the shortfalls in reimbursements from uninsureds, Medicare, and Medicaid recipients to the private payers—those who are insured.
Let’s review. The uninsured medical tab is paid by those insured—approximately 77 percent (Medicare! Medicaid not counted) of the people in the USA. Let’s calculate how this risk is spread:
250 million Americans x 77 percent = 192,500,000 people That’s a rather large pool! So the $17.1 billion cost shifting tab divided by 192.5 million equals about $89.00 a person, per year.

The proposals I have seen approach $100 billion dollars or more to insure the uninsured. Remember, $17.1 billion includes Medicare and Medicaid patients. Let’s use the total dollars anyway to be more than fair. So we are being asked to insure those 31 to 37 million uninsured at $100 billion divided by the 192.5 million, who will pay the cost? That equals approximately $520.00 per person, per year. It seems like there is some profit factored into these proposals. Let’s assume these people were given access to “free” care and they did seek preventive care rather than wait until the condition was acute. Can we be sure those costs combined with the “long run” costs will be lower? When things are perceived as “free,” over-utilization occurs and this drives costs up.
Deception Four. The media, some politicians, and regulators have been telling Americans that Canada’s national health plan provides access to all and does so far cheaper than our US system. Is this true?

Canada doesn’t have one national health plan. It has ten different plans, one for each province. Second, while all provincial plans provide “access” to all, this doesn’t mean care when needed. In Canada, of the 25 million citizens, the waiting list for surgery is 250,000 people.

According to the National Center for Policy Analysis, a Dallas-based research institute, Canada’s real health spending per capita is virtually the same as our own. IHIIAA just announced a report indicating Canada, the United Kingdom, and France, all countries with taxpayer-funded, government managed national health insurance, had greater increases in per capita health care spending between 1970 and 1989 than the United States.

If access to all means care when needed and Canada is spending the same or more per capita than we are, then why does Canada have waiting lists for needed surgeries? Why does Canada have less medical equipment than the US? There are more MRI scanners in Washington state with a population of approximately 4.6 million residents, than in all of Canada. At least one province doesn’t even have an MRI. Those residents have to travel to another province. Is this “access”?

The NCPA also stated in its report, “Twenty Myths About National Health Insurance,” that “not only do citizens have no enforceable right to any particular medical service, they don’t even have a right to a place in line when health care is rationed.”
Last, Canada’s costs do not include the government’s cost to administer the ten plans. Canada also imports much of the USA’s medical technology, foregoing these research and development costs.

Not only do Americans enjoy better medical care, we, in most cases, receive care on demand along with a choice of providers. Is it wrong to pay more, if you get more? Are we really paying more for the same services, or are we getting more? The truth is, we get more for our money’s worth, not less, as millions of Americans are being led to believe.

Deception Five. President Bush’s proposal for health care in America has drawn a mixed reception in the media. Those who understand it, think it attacks most of the problems. Everyone can probably find some “special interest” disagreement. Those who oppose it appear to misunderstand the problems, or have not read the proposal adequately, or could possibly just be too close-minded to see another solution. Yet they seem to get the lion’s share of our press. Herein lies the problem! The media seems too quick to allow a preponderance of the ambiguous and the sophistic the opportunity to speak, therefore spreading
misinformation to untold millions of our clients. Rarely does the truth reach the same people to correct this unfortunate damage.
On Wednesday, March 25, 1992, in the USA Today, a leading politician said of President Bush’s proposal, “according to the Congressional budget office, more than 70 percent of the uninsured have incomes above the poverty line. No such protection appears available to them in the President’s plan.” Yet page 30 of “The President’s Comprehensive Health Reform Program,” indicates 29 million uninsured would become covered when the plan is fully phased in. (70 percent of the 37 million uninsured totals 25.9 million.) So the plan actually will cover about 80 percent. If you use the figure 33 million uninsured, the plan becomes even more significant.

In the same article this US Senator is quoted as saying, “When he talks about it costing more than $100 billion over five years, he avoids putting any numbers on how you pay for it.” He adds that “Bush’s plan also fails to address the problems of families above the poverty line.” Throughout the President’s plan, references are made on how and how much savings will occur. Chapter 5 explains how reforms in the Medicare and Medicaid programs alone will fund the $20 billion a year price tag for his plan. Again, page 30 of the plan indicates “a total of 95 million individuals would benefit from the health insurance tax credit and deduction.” Of these, 57 million middle income Americans would benefit.

Can you imagine what this misinformation campaign is doing to consumers or more accurately your clients?

Deception Six. Many sources and experts are saying that “millions more Americans have such limited insurance coverage that they face serious financial hardship, even bankruptcy, if they are unlucky enough to have a disease like AIDS, Alzheimer’s, or muscular dystrophy.” (Health Decisions, a highly visible health care advocacy group.)

When the media disseminates unchallenged information, the public usually assumes it is fact. Therefore,
exaggerations are hard to dispute by the uninformed reporter even before they are released. Yet, the impact on the consumer is even harder to determine and change after the fact.

Let’s examine the following statement, in particular, and limited insurance in general. “Sixty-two percent of the total population are covered primarily through private health insurance. Most of these are covered through employment,” according to the President’s plan. The uninsured equal 11.6 percent, so they are not counted as having limited insurance; 10.4 percent are covered by Medicaid, so we can rule them out; 6.6 percent are self insured, so they can’t be counted either, and .3 percent are covered by Medicare, so this group is ruled out as well. So the “limited insurance” population must be among the 153 million covered by private health insurance. According to data compiled by HIAA, in 1984, “over 98 percent of the employees surveyed had some out-of-pocket limit, the most common being $1,000 and $2,000.” In a 1986 HIAA survey, “90 percent of the surveyed employees had maximum benefits of $1 million or more.”

Two percent of 153 million people with private insurance is about three million. The average out-of-pocket limit was $1,000 and $2,000; the disease was AIDS, muscular dystrophy and alzheimer’s. Most alzheimer’s patients are over 65 and covered by Medicare. AIDS patients receive government assistance and unpaid costs are passed along to private payors via cost shifting. I’m not sure how many people with “limited insurance” have an MD. I’m no actuary but this isn’t millions facing bankruptcy.

What I am sure of is this: if someone who has the ability to pay for the cost of care and who does not have insurance can pay from personal finances. Now these few may face a financial hardship and even bankruptcy. In fact, some Americans are being advised to file for bankruptcy to keep them from paying health care costs. Is this right? The NCPA states that most Americans are over-insured. According to their study entitled “Controlling Health Care Costs With Medical Savings Accounts,” Americans only spend 24 cents out of every dollar spent on health care. Ninety-five percent of all hospital bills and 80 percent of doctor’s charges are paid by private and third party payors.

Just about everyone will experience a financial hardship at some point in time. What makes a health care financial hardship any different than any other? Most financial hardships are not protected against by the government. Why health care? Why not food? We eat a lot more often than we get sick, and food is essential for life. Is this next?

Deception Seven. How many times have you heard the phrase, “Health care costs are out of control?” This is a misnomer. Health care costs are being controlled. Who’s doing the controlling? The federal government directly and the medical community indirectly. How? Through the Medicare and Medicaid programs.

By creating a floor for prices, no provider will charge less than the floor price. An analogy would be to use a retail store as an example. If the government sets the floor price of a gallon of milk as $1.99 and reimburses $1.99, the retailer will never lower his price below $1.99. In effect, the government sets the negotiated charges based on inflation, lobbying, technology, etc. Why should providers charge less than the government is willing to pay? Market pressures are not allowed to exert themselves in the health care arena. Health care is devoid of competition in pricing, therefore, there is no check on costs. Market forces must be introduced so that consumers can drive the cost of care. What is at stake is who will control costs in the future. Will it be the consumers, the government, or the medical community?

The blame for high health care costs must be squarely shouldered by the politicians for designing the legislation and tax codes to permit annual double digit cost increases over the last 25 years. It’s time for them to face economic reality. It’s time for the truth to be told to the American people. Only when the voter demands change, will Congress have the integrity and intestinal fortitude to act.

Deception Eight. Another often used argument deals with the huge profits insurance companies are making by charging “outlandish” premiums. Hardly ever have I seen this challenged. I used to think that insurance companies merely added their costs of paying claims to administrative expenses and bingo, the premium was determined. I really thought insurance companies passed the high cost of medical treatment along to their insureds. I didn’t realize, until I saw these reports in the papers and magazines that insurance companies have “gouged” the American people by artificially inflating premiums. Premiums were only limited by the companies’ conscience. Less conscience, more premium. Now, I am led to believe that if insurance companies didn’t make these huge profits, they could lower premiums by 20 to 50 percent or more and still make money, too. In this way, health care costs will go down accordingly. Is the consumer buying this logic?

Just a few days ago, I received a call from an angry client. Angry because she had just received a 20 percent rate increase on her major medical plan. She was going to write her Congressman, Senators and Insurance Commissioner. “There is no way the insurance company should be allowed to go up this much on my policy. It’s ridiculous! I can’t afford this, and they know I can’t. They know I can’t pay this. They know I don’t work and have a fixed income. They want me to drop it. It’s just not fair,” she said (among other things).

I focused her attention on health care costs and convinced her insurance companies just passed them on to her. By the time we finished, she was still going to write. This time, however, she was going to criticize the proper culprits. How many consumers do blame the insurance companies? How many clients don’t call and give you the opportunity to educate them? How many feel justified in their anger towards company rate increases, in the absence of convincing proof that it is misplaced?

I have listed only a few deceptive practices being perpetuated on American consumers. The same people we refer to as clients. I am positive you have seen, heard, or read even more distortions and misinformation.

What are you doing about it?

What is your insurance company doing about it?

What can be done?

If you see a wrong, correct it. Prepare yourself with as many facts as you can. If necessary, build a reservoir of health care related information and catalog it for quicker reference. When you see or read something that smacks of misconception, falsehood, misinformation, etc. prepare your response and release it! The sooner the better. This assures good “damage control.”

Encourage the companies you represent to engage in this practice, as well. Most will tell you that they rely on organizations like the HIAA, ACLI, ALIC, etc. to handle these things. Maybe they aren’t getting the message. The proponents of national health care are very prolific. We need to be, but aren’t. Your response should be, “if they were doing their jobs, wouldn’t I see it?” Just maybe companies don’t understand the problem or have underestimated it.

A few challenges in response to multiple attacks will be ineffective. We must challenge each and every occurrence.
Audrey Snead was once quoted as saying, “some folks never exaggerate, they just remember big.” Every seed of misinformation sown yields fruit for our adversaries. Every ambiguity not corrected lingers as truth to those who hear it. We must recognize this simple truth and, therefore, commit to the re-education of our clients. Why is this necessary? All of our efforts must center around the concept of educating the consumer, arming them with the truth and asking them to determine their health care future based on the knowledge of facts and logic rather than on the knowledge of half-truths, falsehoods, and emotion. We may have all the answers to the health care puzzle, but if we don’t tell someone, no one will know.

During World War II, the Allies used a little known information gathering technique to determine troop movements and other vital information to help them win the war. They read German newspapers. Obviously, troop movements and other sensitive information was not in the newspapers, but what the Allies did successfully was “read between the lines.” Things not said, how things were said, etc., did give some military secrets away. Many experts “read between the lines” to monitor, to capitalize on opportunities, and to determine what will happen in the United States.

Are you reading between the lines? Can you guess what is going on in America? Unless America hears the other side of the story—and often, socialized medicine is a deception away.
 
if anyone knows anything about the national post, it was created by conrad black to propound his conservative ideals.

secondly, i think health care here has been better... but that's the liberal government's fault. if it were where it was at its inception, i'd be more impressed.

as it is, i'm pretty happy with not having to worry about massive bills if i'm injured by someone who is uninsured or something.
 
On the front page of the local newspaper yesterday there was an article about a man who has been waiting for over a year to get a heart bypass.

We go on a priority system here. His bypass wasn't deemed to be urgent enough so he keeps getting but further back in line.

Here's another good one: Last year (I think), a man was forced to wait in the hallway, not enough rooms, of the emegergency ward. He died while waiting for medical assistance.
 
smallmovesal said:
if anyone knows anything about the national post, it was created by conrad black to propound his conservative ideals.

secondly, i think health care here has been better... but that's the liberal government's fault. if it were where it was at its inception, i'd be more impressed.

as it is, i'm pretty happy with not having to worry about massive bills if i'm injured by someone who is uninsured or something.

I know nothing about the National Post.

Couldn't tell you if it is better or not.

If you had a health plan that you paid for it wouldn't matter if you were injured by someone without insurance. Health insurance isn't like auto insurance in that regard.


Read my second post.
 
Canada's Single Payer Health Care System - It's Worth a Look
Bruce Robinson



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
According to a Harris Poll of all industrial nations, Americans are the least satisfied with their health care.
An economic overview of America's system is: 42 million people are not covered, the various health care plans place rigid limitations on which doctors and hospitals people can use, cost-saving measures are forcing patients out of hospital beds prematurely, administrative costs are approaching 25% of the health care dollar, managed care is generally structured such that physicians have incentives to cut costs and gain revenue by withholding care, and many Americans live in fear of losing whatever care they have.

Our current system is based on the power of the insurance industry to stifle any challenges from alternatives. They advocate a competitive environment where they set the rules. These rules give us health care at a very high cost with unusually high profits going to the health care industry and massive salaries going to the associated executives.

In contrast, the single payer system that Canada has used for the last 25 years has drastically simplified their administration costs. For instance, it takes more people to administer Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts that it does to administer the entire health care system of Canada. Before Canada implemented their national health program, their health costs were the same portion of their economy as in the U.S. After they implemented their program, their costs stabilized at 9% while U.S. costs have increased to 14%. They spend one tenth of what U.S. health care providers spend on overhead.

The Canadian system is a publicly funded insurance program where costs are controlled and both hospitals and doctors are private. Any Canadian can go to any doctor or hospital in the country. Each province has its own system and its own unique way of funding it. In spite of this decentralized approach, there are agreements among all provinces that provide for treatment of any Canadian citizen regardless of where the need occurs. The great success of their system causes almost all Canadian politicians, even conservatives, to defend it vociferously. It is called single payer because there is only one "payer"; there is no alternative program, such as private health insurance, to which Canadians can turn for basic health care. Since the wealthy as well as the middle income people have no alternative, they make sure it is funded adequately. This together with cost controls insures that everyone including the poor, who use the same system, receives the same high quality care.

Canada has a much higher percentage of general practitioners and fewer specialists. Canadian doctors make about one third less that American doctors and yet their satisfaction level is high because they have more time to practice medicine because paper work is minimized. Since there is a "single payer", it is easier to set up and adhere to budgetary limits. Effective planning eliminates duplication of facilities and expensive technology. In the U.S., competition has led to great redundancies in expensive equipment such as for CAT scans; doctor groups buy high technology equipment and then compete for selling these services.

The economic advantages of the Canadian system are multi-faceted. Canadians are healthier and live longer than Americans. Preventive care to an entire population minimizes expensive care associated with undetected, untreated health problems. There is very little litigation because there is no need for awards to cover future health care costs; they are already covered. Further savings occur because there is no longer a need for a health insurance component of automobile or home insurance.

There is less loss of productive labor due to absence and sickness and health care is much more practical and less expensive for companies to provide to employees. Estimates show that Canadians produce American cars for $700 less than Americans do because of the difference in the costs of providing health care to employees. The benefits to competitiveness are obvious.

Both the Congressional Budget Office and the General Accounting Office estimated that if we were to implement a health care system similar to the Canadian one, we could extend coverage to all Americans while saving billions of dollars annually. During the health care debate in 1993, there were 89 cosponsors of the single payer system. And yet, it was not given serious consideration. One reason for this is the well-funded health insurance power structure with its effective lobbying forces in Congress.

This single payer ballot issue will appear in various states in the upcoming years. It is anticipated that, just as with the 1994 California single payer ballot issue, the health industry will spend enormous amounts to defeat them. It is also anticipated that the issue will receive very little press coverage just as happened in California.

FAIR (Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting) reported after studying the 1994 California ballot issue that there were no articles in the media during the entire pre-election period that pointed out that other countries have single payer systems or what their experience has been. Americans might be interested to know that Canadians live longer, have lower maternal mortality rates, and lower infant mortality. Before single payer was implemented in Canada, infant mortality was similar to that in the U.S.; today there are 9.1 deaths in the first year of life per 1000 births in the U.S. and 6.8 in Canada. In addition, they have more hospital admissions, more hospital days, more physician visits, more immunizations, and more surgical procedures per person than we have in the U.S.

Ongoing misinformation perpetuates myths about long wait times for care, availability of high-tech care, and the amount and quality of medical research done. There are very small differences between the U.S. and Canada in these three areas. The large differences between the U.S. and Canada are in the tens of millions of people with no coverage or inadequate coverage in the U.S. The differences are also in peoples' losing everything they have and becoming destitute to cover medical expenses in the U.S. They're in the lack of preventive care in the U.S. which results in expensive treatment of illnesses in their later stages.

Economic considerations are very important as are issues such as the general state of a country's health, the anxiety over health care and the level of satisfaction experienced by those in the health care industry. The economics certainly indicate that the Canadian approach should be observed and considered as a model for the U.S. The U.S. spends about $1000 per year per person more than does Canada. We have nothing to lose by giving it an objective analysis, seeking out both sides of the argument. It's worth a look.

Quoting a letter to the editor from Ove Madsen in the Montana Senior Voice:


"I have read all about the health care plans in the paper. I have done a little work to find out what the general public Canadians think about their health plan. Everytime I see a car with Canadian license plates, I go up and talk to them. They are all nice to talk with, and I ask them how they like their health care plan. So far, 99% of the Canadians I've talked to like their system. They say it is such a peace of mind and the service at the doctor's office and hospitals is really quite good. If the ordinary run of the people like it, that's all we need to know."

According the Harris Poll of all industrial nations, Canadians are the most satisfied with their health care.

http://bcn.boulder.co.us/health/healthwatch/canada.html
 
there are pros and cons to Canada's medicare system. A direct problem that it causes is overworked staffs, insufficient beds and overloaded waiting rooms. See, with medicare, everyone and his brother go in to get every little problem checked...this is especially so with SENIOR CITIZENS. In other words people take advantage of the system.
 
Smalls.......

Socialized Medicine: The Canadian Experience

by Pierre Lemieux




The Canadian public health system is often put forward as an ideal for Americans to emulate. It provides all Canadians with free basic health care: free doctors' visits, free hospital ward care, free surgery, free drugs and medicine while in the hospital -- plus some free dental care for children as well as free prescription drugs and other services for the over-65 and welfare recipients. You just show your plastic medicare card and you never see a medical bill.

This extensive national health system was begun in the late 1950s with a system of publicly funded hospital insurance, and completed in the late 1960s and early 1970s when comprehensive health insurance was put into place. The federal government finances about 40 per cent of the costs, provided the provinces set up a system satisfying federal norms. All provincial systems thus are very similar, and the Quebec case which we will examine is fairly typical.

One immediate problem with public health care is with the funding. Those usually attracted to such a "free" system are the poor and the sick -- those least able to pay. A political solution is to force everybody to enroll in the system, which amounts to redistributing income towards participants with higher health risks or lower income. This is why the Canadian system is universal and compulsory.

Even if participation is compulsory in the sense that everyone has to pay a health insurance premium (through general or specific taxes), some individuals will be willing to pay a second time to purchase private insurance and obtain private care. If you want to avoid this double system, you do as in Canada: you legislate a monopoly for the public health insurance system.

This means that although complementary insurance (providing private or semi-private hospital rooms, ambulance services, etc.) is available on the market, sale of private insurance covering the basic insured services is forbidden by law. Even if a Canadian wants to purchase basic private insurance besides the public coverage, he cannot find a private company legally allowed to satisfy his demand.

In this respect, the Canadian system is more socialized than in many other countries. In the United Kingdom, for instance, one can buy private health insurance even if government insurance is compulsory.

In Canada, then, health care is basically a socialized industry. In the Province of Quebec, 79 per cent of health expenditures are public. Private health expenditures go mainly for medicines, private or semi-private hospital rooms, and dental services. The question is: how does such a system perform?

The Costs of Free Care

The first thing to realize is that free public medicine isn't really free. What the consumer doesn't pay, the taxpayer does, and with a vengeance. Public health expenditures in Quebec amount to 29 per cent of the provincial government budget. One-fifth of the revenues come from a wage tax of 3.22 per cent charged to employers and the rest comes from general taxes at the provincial and federal levels. It costs $1,200 per year in taxes for each Quebec citizen to have access to the public health system. This means that the average two-child family pays close to $5,000 per year in public health insurance. This is much more expensive than the most comprehensive private health insurance plan.

Although participating doctors may not charge more than the rates reimbursed directly to them by the government, theoretically they may opt out of the system. But because private insurance for basic medical needs isn't available, there are few customers, and less than one per cent of Quebec doctors work outside the public health system. The drafting of virtually all doctors into the public system is the first major consequence of legally forbidding private insurers from competing with public health insurance.

The second consequence is that a real private hospital industry cannot develop. Without insurance coverage, hospital care costs too much for most people. In Quebec, there is only one private for-profit hospital (an old survivor from the time when the government would issue a permit to that kind of institution) but it has to work within the public health insurance system and with government-allocated budgets.

The monopoly of basic health insurance has led to a single, homogeneous public system of health care delivery. In such a public monopoly, bureaucratic uniformity and lack of entrepreneurship add to the costs. The system is slow to adjust to changing demands and new technologies. For instance, day clinics and home care are underdeveloped as there exist basically only two types of general hospitals: the non-profit local hospital and the university hospital.

When Prices Are Zero

Aside from the problems inherent in all monopolies, the fact that health services are free leads to familiar economic consequences. Basic economics tells us that if a commodity is offered at zero price, demand will increase, supply will drop, and a shortage will develop.

During the first four years of hospitalization insurance in Quebec, government expenditures on this program doubled. Since the introduction of comprehensive public health insurance in 1970, public expenditures for medical services per capita have grown at an annual rate of 9.4 per cent. According to one study, 60 per cent of this increase represented a real increase in consumption.1

There has been much talk of people abusing the system, such as using hospitals as nursing homes. But then, on what basis can we talk of abusing something that carries no price?

At zero price, no health services would be supplied, except by the government or with subsidies. Indeed, the purpose of a public health system is to relieve this artificial shortage by supplying the missing quantities. The question is whether a public health system can do it efficiently.

As demand rises and expensive technology is introduced, health costs soar. But with taxes already at a breaking point, government has little recourse but to try to hold down costs. In Quebec, hospitals have been facing budget cuts both in operating expenses and in capital expenditures. Hospital equipment is often outdated, and the number of general hospital beds dropped by 21 per cent from 1972 to 1980.

Since labor is the main component of health costs, incomes of health workers and professionals have been brought under tight government controls. In Quebec, professional fees and target incomes are negotiated between doctors' associations and the Department of Health and Social Services. Although in theory most doctors still are independent professionals, the government has put a ceiling on certain categories of income: for instance, any fees earned by a general practitioner in excess of $164,108 (Canadian) a year are reimbursed at a rate of only 25 per cent.

Not surprisingly, income controls have had a negative impact on work incentives. From 1972 to 1987, for instance, general practitioners reduced by 11 per cent the average time they spent with their patients. In 1977, the first year of the income ceiling, they reduced their average work year by two-and-a-half weeks.2

Government controls also have caused misallocations of resources. While doctors are in short supply in remote regions, hospital beds are scarce mainly in urban centers. The government has reacted with more controls: young doctors are penalized if they start their practice in an urban center. And the president of the Professional Corporation of Physicians has proposed drafting young medical school graduates to work in remote regions for a period of time.

Nationalization of the health industry also has led to increased centralization and politicization. Work stoppages by nurses and hospital workers have occurred half a dozen times over the last 20 years, and this does not include a few one-day strikes by doctors. Ambulance services and dispatching have been centralized under government control. As this article was being written, ambulance drivers and paramedics were working in jeans, they had covered their vehicles with protest stickers, and they were dangerously disrupting operations. The reason: they want the government to finish nationalizing what remains under private control in their industry.

When possible, doctors and nurses have voted with their feet. A personal anecdote will illustrate this. When my youngest son was born in California in 1978, the obstetrician was from Ontario and the nurse came from Saskatchewan. The only American-born in the delivery room was the baby.

When prices are zero, demand exceeds supply, and queues form. For many Canadians, hospital emergency rooms have become their primary doctor -- as is the case with Medicaid patients in the United States. Patients lie in temporary beds in emergency rooms, sometimes for days. At Sainte-Justine Hospital, a major Montreal pediatric hospital, children often wait many hours before they can see a doctor. Surgery candidates face long waiting lists -- it can take six months to have a cataract removed. Heart surgeons report patients dying on their waiting lists. But then, it's free.

Or is it? The busy executive, housewife, or laborer has more productive things to do besides waiting in a hospital queue. For these people, waiting time carries a much higher cost than it does to the unemployed single person. So, if public health insurance reduces the costs of health services for some of the poor, it increases the costs for many other people. It discriminates against the productive.

The most visible consequence of socialized medicine in Canada is in the poor quality of services. Health care has become more and more impersonal. Patients often feel they are on an assembly line. Doctors and hospitals already have more patients than they can handle and no financial incentive to provide good service. Their customers are not the ones who write the checks anyway.

No wonder, then, that medicine in Quebec consumes only 9 per cent of gross domestic product (7 per cent if we consider only public expenditures) compared to some 11 per cent in the United States. This does not indicate that health services are delivered efficiently at low cost. It reflects the fact that prices and remunerations in this industry are arbitrarily fixed, that services are rationed, and that individuals are forbidden to spend their medical-care dollars as they wish.

Is it Just?

Supporters of public health insurance reply that for all its inefficiencies, their system at least is more just. But even this isn't true.

Their conception of justice is based on the idea that certain goods like health (and education? and food? where do you stop?) should be made available to all through coercive redistribution by the state. If, on the contrary, we define justice in terms of liberty, then justice forbids coercing some (taxpayers, doctors, and nurses) into providing health services to others. Providing voluntarily for your neighbor in need may be morally good. Forcing your neighbor to help you is morally wrong.

Even if access to health services is a desirable objective, it is by no means clear that a socialized system is the answer. Without market rationing, queues form. There are ways to jump the queue, but they are not equally available to everyone.

In Quebec, you can be relatively sure not to wait six hours with your sick child in an emergency room if you know how to talk to the hospital director, or if one of your old classmates is a doctor, or if your children attend the same exclusive private school as your pediatrician's children. You may get good services if you deal with a medical clinic in the business district. And, of course, you will get excellent services if you fly to the Mayo Clinic in Minnesota or to some private hospital in Europe. The point is that these ways to jump the queue are pretty expensive for the typical lower middle class housewife, not to talk of the poor.

An Enquiry Commission on Health and Social Services submitted a thick report in December 1987, after having met for 30 months and spent many millions of dollars. It complains that "important gaps persist in matters of health and welfare among different groups."3 Now, isn't this statement quite incredible after two decades of monopolistic socialized health care? Doesn't it show that equalizing conditions is an impossible task, at least when there is some individual liberty left?

One clear effect of a socialized health system is to increase the cost of getting above-average care (while the average is dropping). Some poor people, in fact, may obtain better care under socialized medicine. But many in the middle class will lose. It isn't clear where justice is to be found in such a redistribution.

There are two ways to answer the question: "What is the proper amount of medical care in different cases?" We may let private initiative and voluntary relations provide solutions. Or we may let politics decide. Health care has to be rationed either by the market or by political and bureaucratic processes. The latter are no more just than the former. We often forget that people who have difficulty making money in the market are not necessarily better at jumping queues in a socialized system.

There is no way to supply all medical services to everybody, for the cost would be astronomical. What do you do for a six-year-old Montreal girl with a rare form of leukemia who can be cured only in a Wisconsin hospital at a cost of $350,000 -- a real case? Paradoxically for a socialized health system, the family had to appeal to public charity, a more and more common occurrence. In the first two months, the family received more than $100,000, including a single anonymous donation of $40,000.

This is only one instance of health services that could have been covered by private health insurance but are being denied by hard-pressed public insurance. And the trend is getting worse. Imagine what will happen as the population ages. There are private solutions to health costs. Insurance is one. Even in 1964, when insurance mechanisms were much less developed than today, 43 per cent of the Quebec population carried private health insurance, half of whom had complete coverage. Today, most Americans not covered by Medicare or Medicaid carry some form of private health insurance. Private charity is another solution, so efficient that it has not been entirely replaced by the Canadian socialized system.

Can Trends Be Changed?

People in Quebec have grown so accustomed to socialized medicine that talks of privatization usually are limited to subcontracting hospital laundry or cafeteria services. The idea of subcontracting hospital management as a whole is deemed radical (although it is done on a limited scale elsewhere in Canada). There have been suggestions of allowing health maintenance organizations (HMO's) in Quebec, but the model would be that of Ontario, where HMO's are totally financed and controlled by the public health insurance system. The government of Quebec has repeatedly come out against forprofit HMO's.

Socialized medicine has had a telling effect on the public mind. In Quebec, 62 per cent of the population now think that people should pay nothing to see a doctor; 82 per cent want hospital care to remain free. People have come to believe that it is normal for the state to take care of their health.

Opponents of private health care do not necessarily quarrel with the efficiency of competition and private enterprise. They morally oppose the idea that some individuals may use money to purchase better health care. They prefer that everybody has less, provided it is equal. The Gazette, one of Montreal's English-speaking newspapers, ran an editorial arguing that gearing the quality of health care to the ability to pay "is morally and socially unacceptable."4

The idea that health care should be equally distributed is part of a wider egalitarian culture. Health is seen as one of the goods of life that need to be socialized. The Quebec Enquiry Commission on Health and Social Services was quite clear on this:

The Commission believes that the reduction of these
inequalities and more generally the achievement of
fairness in the fields of health and welfare must be
one of the first goals of the system and direct all
its interventions. It is clear that the health and
social services system is not the only one concerned.
This concern applies as strongly to labor, the
environment, education and income security.5

A Few Lessons

Several lessons can be drawn from the Canadian experience with socialized medicine.

First of all, socialized medicine, although of poor quality, is very expensive. Public health expenditures consume close to 7 per cent of the Canadian gross domestic product, and account for much of the difference between the levels of public expenditure in Canada (47 per cent of gross domestic product) and in the U.S. (37 per cent of gross domestic product). So if you do not want a large public sector, do not nationalize health.

A second lesson is the danger of political compromise. One social policy tends to lead to another. Take, for example, the introduction of hospital insurance in Canada. It encouraged doctors to send their patients to hospitals because it was cheaper to be treated there. The political solution was to nationalize the rest of the industry. Distortions from one government intervention often lead to more intervention.

A third lesson deals with the impact of egalitarianism. Socialized medicine is both a consequence and a great contributor to the idea that economic conditions should be equalized by coercion. If proponents of public health insurance are not challenged on this ground, they will win this war and many others. Showing that human inequality is both unavoidable and, within the context of equal formal rights, desirable, is a long-run project. But then, as SaintExupery wrote, "Il est vain, si l'on plante un chene, d'esperer s'abriter bientot sous son feuillage."6

Report of the Enquiry Commission on Health and Social Services, Government of Quebec, 1988, pp. 148, 339.
Gerard Belanger, "Les depenses de sante par rapport a l'economie du Quebec," Le Medecin du Quebec, December 1981, p. 37.

Report of the Enquiry Commission on Health and Social Services, p. 446 (our translation).
"No Second Class Patients," editorial of The Gazette, May 21, 1988.
Report of the Enquiry Commission on Health and Social Services, p. 446 (our translation).
"It is a vain hope, when planting an oak tree, to hope to soon take shelter under it."


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Mr. Lemieux is an economist and author living in Montreal.
 
Canadians are fed up with their state-run health care system which was put in place in the 1970s. In fact, 93 percent of those polled last month said that improving health care should be the government's top priority. In another poll, 74 percent of respondents supported the idea of user fees -- which have been outlawed since 1984.

State-managed medicine has led to not enough doctors, nurses or hospital beds to meet the demand.

On one recent day, emergency rooms in 23 of Toronto's 25 hospitals had to turn away ambulances -- and police officers had to shoot to death a distraught father who had taken a doctor hostage in an attempt to get treatment for his sick baby.

In Winnipeg, "hallway medicine" has become so common that hallway stretcher locations have permanent numbers.

Ambulances filled with ill patients have repeatedly stacked up this winter in the parking lot of Vancouver General Hospital, where an estimated 20 percent of patients in the midst of heart attacks must wait an hour or more for treatment.

Waiting lists for surgery in some Canadian hospitals can stretch from months to as long as five years.
Canada is experimenting with a two-tier, public-private health system -- but it applies only to dentists and veterinarians. Michael Bliss, a medical historian recently wrote in The National Post newspaper: "So we have the absurdity in Canada that you can get faster care for your gum disease than your cancer, and probably more attentive care for your dog than your grandmother."

The waiting list for magnetic resonance imaging is so long that one man recently reserved a session for himself at a private animal hospital which had such a machine. He registered under the name Fido.

Allan Rock, Canada's health minister, recently wrote: "Forget about equal access. Let people buy their way to the front of the line."

Source: James Brooke, "Full Hospitals Make Canadians Wait and Look South," New York Times, January 16, 2000.
 
According to a national poll, four out of five Canadians are unhappy with their socialized health care system and believe it has worsened noticeably in just the past five years. Doctors in Manitoba apparently agree: Almost half of them—an astonishing 1,800—have left the province in the past decade alone.

David Gratzer, a Canadian health policy commentator, published a blockbuster book last year entitled Code Blue. Gratzer revealed that the quality of care Canada's system provides to ordinary citizens matters less to its apologists than the quality of care it denies to the so-called rich. The egalitarian impulse that drives Canada's "universal" health care system calls for treating everybody the same; all patients get "free" care in the public system and are generally denied the option of getting faster or better care for a fee in the private sector.

Gratzer asks, "With health care, is our true goal that Mr. Smith, who owns three cars, not be allowed to get a quick (private) cataract surgery? Or is it that Mr. Jones, who just makes rent every month, gets (publicly funded) heart surgery when he needs it? The way [the system's] advocates carry on, you'd think that it was fine that Mr. Jones suffered crushing chest pain after walking three steps just as long as Mr. Smith had to stumble around blindly for six months."

Thanks to this idiocy, an estimated 212,990 Canadians were on hospital waiting lists for surgical procedures in 1998. The average total waiting time of 13.3 weeks was up from 11.9 weeks in 1997 and up a shocking 43 percent since 1993. No wonder that when former Quebec Premier Bourassa was diagnosed with cancer, he avoided "free" care in his home country and instead sought treatment in Cleveland.
 
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